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ジェネティック転職 Geneticist Job Change Guide 参考・関連Geneticist Job Change Guide - iRO Wiki 画像有り Geneticist - iRO Wiki Genetic スキル仕様公式 レベル ９９／５０↑ Alchemist or Biochemist 前提 なし 必要アイテム (Non-VIP ＞1 Reset Stone) 報酬アイテム 1 Midas Whisper(1) and 1 Green Apple Ring ◆ 補足 実験テーブルの横に、ホムＳのＮＰＣがいます。転職後に片付けるとよいでしょう参考 ホムンクルス ◆ 手順 アルデバランの錬金術師ギルド一階でAlchemist Union Memberと会話 (alde_alche 35,185). Geneticists に興味があるという話をすると、彼は、専門家 Devriesを見つけるよう、求めます Devriesは、リヒタルゼンの Geneticist Lab に居る (lighthalzen 54,132). 中で、 Devries(job3_gen01 25,58)と会話 Devriesは、Geneticist の話を開始しますが、会話に邪魔が入ります。彼女（？）はルーンミッドガルドで自宅にあったクッキーが好きなのだ 二階の Devries room へ移動し、Delivery Box を見つける。(job3_gen01 81,72) ボックスを開き、クッキーを得る。（クッキーはあなたのインベントリに表示されません） 再び Devriesと会話し、クッキーを渡す。彼は、あなたが継続するかどうかを確認します。２回以上の会話で、植物を使って実験をするよう求められます Devriesの南のキャビネットに移動し、植物ガイドを見ます。続行するには、少なくともオプション "プラント"を読む必要があります read the Plant Guide. option Plant 一階で、植物を見つけられます 下記６つの植物をすべて集めますSticky Grass Muka Tree Bigibigigrass Bogi Vine Congra Aolatura テーブルをクリックして、実験開始 次の順序で行います。各オプションの名前がランダムな可能性があり、失敗の場合は、このシーケンスを繰り返す必要があるかもしれません Crush Heat Put it into a Testing Flask and Shake Dip in distilled Water Inject it into a Testing Seed ※ 多少違う感じでも進みました あなたが使用したいテストの種子の種類を尋ねられます。任意のオプションを選択。設定が完了すると、実験のためのシードを取得しています Devriesと会話装置が何か反応したりします Alchemist Union Memberがどうたらで、Demi Calberineに会えという話 二階で Demi Calberine (job3_gen01 91,48) と会話。彼女は新しいカートを作ろうとしているが、いくつかの部品が足りないそうだ 周りに広がっているパーツをチェックします。すべてと会話後、再び Demi Calberine と会話 ※ クリック後、湯気が出てまた涌いたりして、何度かやっていると、揃ったようだ、みたいな独白が出ます。１０個と言われますが、クエスト表では１２個とか Demi Calberine から、Poison Spore でカートレボリューションをテストするかを尋ねられます。あなたは一階の Poison Spore 留置所にテレポートされます 100匹の Poison Sporeを倒します。倒して数秒後に数匹まとめて湧き続けますNotes 掲示板との会話で、いつでも留置所から出られます。死んだ時出た時は、Demi Calberineとの会話で入り直せます。CRは使わなくてもいいが、使った方が早い 終わったら、留置所外側の看板と会話 ※ キルカウントが黄文字で出ます。終わっても涌き続けます ケージを出た後、再度Devriesと会話カートをはずして再度会話で、あなたは Geneticistに転職 Poison Spore Notes You can leave the pen at any time you like by talking with the sign outside the cage. If you die or exit the pen, you can talk with Demi Calberine again to enter the cage. Killing any Poison Spore in any other part the game not will allow you to complete this part of the quest. Although it s implied you need Cart Revolution, you do not actually need to to proceed. However, due to the amount of Poison Spores in the cage it would be considerably faster to have acquired Cart Revolution before starting this part of the quest. She ll tell you no reponse has arrived yet彼女は、応答中はまだ到着していないことを教えてあげる（？）
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◆ハンクの心理プロファイリング | HUNKpsycho.html コードネーム：HUNK 所属：USS operative - - - Reason for report 本レポートに関して： HUNK has recently seen heavy action and carried out a number of relatively intense operations yet has shown no signs of stress or any normal emotional response for that matter. Our sessions were to ascertain whether HUNK has sustained any long-term, h idden psychological damage as a result of his participation in these operations. HUNKにまだストレス的兆候または心理的的影響は見られませんが、近年、彼は非常に重要で重いストレスを伴うミッションに比較的数多く参加しています。私たちのこのセッションはHUNKがこれらのミッション参加の結果、長期的に隠れた精神的ダメージをどの程度受けてきたかを確認するためのものです。 First impressions 最初の印象： My first impressions of HUNK were of a man incredibly committed to his work. In fact, in all my conversations with him, he never once suggested that his life contained anything other than his duties as a member of USS. This however was not seen as a negative – HUNK was not complaining – if anything it showed that HUNK was not interested in anything which did not relate to life as a member of USS. HUNKの第一印象は非常に仕事熱心な人間だということだ。実際に彼と私との会話すべてで、USSの一員として職業に関すること以外に一言も彼自身の人生などには触れることはなかった。もちろん、これは悪いことではない。-HUNKは不平をならべたわけではないのだから。 -ただ、それはこのHUNKがUSSの一員として生活するのに関連しないものには興味がないことが示された訳だが。 It s hard in fact to imagine HUNK complaining about anything. He is very much a product of his profession in that he is a man who follows orders to the letter – with no regard to his own safety, or to the consequences of his actions. HUNKが何か不満をもらしているところを想像するのは実際に難しい。彼の仕事ぶりは、命令書を忠実に遂行していくという点において良質な製品といえる。 -彼自身の安全性や、彼の行動が招く結果は関係なくであるが。 It s actually quite a task to get HUNK to speak about many things in great detail – and virtually impossible to get him to talk about himself. Even after several sessions, I am still in the dark about most of his background – his family, friends (I m almost certain HUNK would see the whole concept of friends as laughable) or even relationships (the name Bella seems to have some resonance with him although I m yet to ascertain what the relationship is exactly) are a closed door. 彼の個人的な話に到達するのは事実上不可能と思われる。 -それは実際にHunkから詳細の多くの情報を得るのにかなり大変な作業になる。私はいくつかセッションを行ったが、その後でもまだ彼の人生背景は暗闇の中である。 -彼の家族、友人（私がばかばかしいほど何度も"友人"というものがなにか考えてくださいよと）あるいは彼らと関係のある（ベラという名前だったか、正確な関係はまだ把握できてはいないが、彼の記憶のいくつかが呼び起こされた）者達の記憶は閉じられたままだ。 With any other subject I would suggest that I need more time to break through the resistance, to really get through to the inner HUNK – but it s apparent to me that HUNK is not offering any resistance. It s almost as if he s wiped those parts of his life from his memory. This could well be a method he s developed to protect himself from the horrors he s seen – to separate the human side of HUNK from the soldier side. The problem is, I think the soldier side is now all there is to him. My fear is that the human side of HUNK is now lost forever. 他のテーマで、私がHunkの内面に関しての抵抗を突破するのに本当に多くの時間が必要だと考えられる。私にHunkがどのような抵抗もする必要が無いのは明らかであるのに。しかし、彼の記憶は彼の人生の部分を払拭した部分とほぼ同じままだ。 これは、彼が恐怖から身を守るために開発してきた方法かもしれない。 -兵士の心理的側面からHunkの人間的側面を切り離すためだ。私は、兵士の側面が彼の今あるすべてという事実が問題だと思う。私が恐ろしいのはHunkから人間側の部分が永遠に失われてしまうことである。 As a psychologist, this is a fascinating study. I should imagine that for a USS commander, HUNK is the ideal soldier – almost the super soldier of legend. He seems to have no morals or reservations, no fear and no apparent desire to get out and return to an individual life at all. 心理学者として、これは興味深い研究テーマだ。ほとんど伝説といえるスーパー兵士。 -HunkがUSSの司令官のための理想的な兵士でいるところを想像してみてほしい。彼が道徳的で制約と恐怖の無い外に出て個人の生活に戻る願望を持っていないのは明らかだ。 HUNK is at his most animated when t@lking about action he has seen. But even here, he is not try#ng to impr6ss, he merely r??ate$ the action that took place. 彼は自分が見てきた物に関して話しているときが最も生気に満ちている。しかしここでは、彼は単にそこで起こった出来事をその場所で繰??して$説6しているようだった。 The incident we ll come to in more detail shortly demonstrates that his cold-hearted, detached persona is not an act, but s#@ethi?? that is n ^ p@*( of him. It is this that ??@%^ ###.. tui luwl +%•ª ©∆ further study if requi€#. 私がより詳細を聞き出そうとすると彼の心の冷たさが感じられ、切り離された人格は行為的な物によるのではなくs#eth?? これはn ^ p@*（彼の。そしてこれはつまり ??@%^ ###.. tui luwl +%・* ©Δrequi€＃であれば、さらなる研究を。 REST OF FILE MISSING 残りは欠落していて解読不可能 ※Hunk s Psychology Reportはhttp //www.fillmoreelementaryschool.com/server_index/profile/HUNKpsycho.htmlからの仮の訳です。誤訳訂正があれば求めます。
https://w.atwiki.jp/vocaloidenglishlyric/pages/1143.html
【Tags Kaito tF yuukiss F】 Original Music title FLOWER TAIL Romaji music title FLOWER TAIL Music Lyrics written, Voice edited by yuukiss Music arranged by yuukiss Singer(s) Kaito The lyrics are quoted from "Nostalogic" and "Fairy-taled" sung by Meiko. Click here for the original Japanese Lyrics English Lyrics (translated by animeyay)： (aiyaiya aiyaiyaiya aiyaiya aiyaiya aiyaiya aiyaiyaiya aiyaiyaiya) Entrusting my heels to the currents of reminiscence and oblivion, I go towards the bell chimes, but only end up collapsing to my knees. We re so close to each other that we can almost hear each other s blinks. Yet, before I know it, the curtain has been lowered, and only the withered applause remains resonating. When a strong-willed flowers, blooming in a wheel rut, subtly changes its expression in a split second, I exclaim in awe of the delicate elegance of its solitude, that I become at a loss, unable to bring myself to tread over it. (aiyaiya aiyaiyaiya aiyaiya aiyaiya aiyaiya aiyaiyaiya aiyaiyaiya) Welcoming dawns with morning dews, and then bidding to dusks farewell, the swift-footed time leaves behind nothing more than its footprints. I stand still on a stage, where the play has a vague summary and a fuzzy ending. Yet, once again, the curtain will be raised, and I will take someone s hand and start dancing. In an autumn dusk, on a road covered in dry leaves, I reminisce over the past days of our separation, but in order for that moment not to be swallowed by eternity, I, panting heavily, walk on. When a strong-willed flowers, blooming in a wheel rut, subtly changes its expression in a split second, I exclaim in awe of the delicate elegance of its solitude, that I become at a loss, unable to bring myself to tread over it. In an autumn dusk, on a road covered in dry leaves, I reminisce over the past days of our separation, but in order for that moment not to be swallowed by eternity, I, panting heavily, walk on, allured by that flower s tail feathers. (aiyaiya aiyaiyaiya aiyaiya aiyaiya aiyaiya aiyaiyaiya aiyaiyaiya) Romaji lyrics (transliterated by animeyay)： (aiyaiya aiyaiyaiya aiyaiya aiyaiya aiyaiya aiyaiyaiya aiyaiyaiya) tsuioku to boukyaku no nami ni kakato o yudanete wa kane no ne ni mukau mo yagate hiza o tsuki kuzureru otagai no mabataki ga kikoeru kurai no kyori na no ni itsu no ma ni ka maku wa orite kawaita hakushu ga narihibiku wadachi ni saita ketsudan no hana ga sotto hyoujou o kaeru shunkan mo kono kodoku sae itooshii to usobuite kechirasenu mama tohou ni kureru (aiyaiya aiyaiyaiya aiyaiya aiyaiya aiyaiya aiyaiyaiya aiyaiyaiya) asatsuyu de mezame o mukae tasogare o miokuru akkenai saigetsu wa ashiato gurai shika nokosezu arasuji mo ketsumatsu mo aimai na butai ni tachitsukusu sore de mo mata maku wa agaru dareka to te o tori odoridasu kareha ni somaru yuuzari no michi de ima ribetsu no hibi o shinoburedo sono setsuna sae eien ni nomikomarenu you ni iki o hazumase aruite yuku wadachi ni saita ketsudan no hana ga sotto hyoujou o kaeru shunkan mo kono kodoku sae itooshii to usobuite kechirasenu mama tohou ni kureru kareha ni somaru yuuzari no michi de ima ribetsu no hibi o shinoburedo sono setsuna sae eien ni nomikomarenu you ni iki o hazumase aruite yuku hana no obane ga sasou mama ni (aiyaiya aiyaiyaiya aiyaiya aiyaiya aiyaiya aiyaiyaiya aiyaiyaiya) []
https://w.atwiki.jp/kylico/pages/64.html
NeverNote 作成日/更新日 2012.02.18/2013.10.17 OS ScientificLinux6.1 手順 目次 RPMのダウンロード インストール１ 不足モジュールのインストール インストール２ 追加パッケージ 手順 内容 RPMのダウンロード 以下のサイトからRPMをダウンロードする。 http //nevernote.sourceforge.net/ インストール１ ダウンロードしたRPMでインストールを実行するも、依存性の欠如エラーが発生してしまう。 # rpm -ivh nixnote-1.2-2.i386.rpm エラー 依存性の欠如 perl(Term ReadKey) は nixnote-1.2-2.i386 に必要とされています 不足モジュールのインストール yum install perl-TermReadKey.i686 インストール 再度インストールを実行すると、NeverNoteのインストールは成功する。 追加パッケージ 接続した時に「ssl support not found」と表示される場合、 openssl-develをインストールする。 yum install openssl-devel
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Chapter VI.条約後のヨーロッパ(Europe after the Treaty)-5 Contents Top Chapter I.序論(Introductory) Chapter II.戦争以前のヨーロッパ(Europe before the War) Chapter III.会議(The Conference) Chapter IV.条約(The Treaty)-1 Chapter IV.条約(The Treaty)-2 Chapter IV.条約(The Treaty)-3 Chapter V.賠償(Reparation)-1 Chapter V.賠償(Reparation)-2 Chapter V.賠償(Reparation)-3 Chapter V.賠償(Reparation)-4 Chapter V.賠償(Reparation)-5 Chapter VI.条約後のヨーロッパ(Europe after the Treaty)-5 Chapter VII.救済策(Remedies)-1 Chapter VII.救済策(Remedies)-2 Chapter VI.条約後のヨーロッパ(Europe after the Treaty) This chapter must be one of pessimism. The Treaty includes no provisions for the economic rehabilitation of Europe,—nothing to make the defeated Central Empires into good neighbors, nothing to stabilize the new States of Europe, nothing to reclaim Russia; nor does it promote in any way a compact of economic solidarity amongst the Allies themselves; no arrangement was reached at Paris for restoring the disordered finances of France and Italy, or to adjust the systems of the Old World and the New. The Council of Four paid no attention to these issues, being preoccupied with others,—Clemenceau to crush the economic life of his enemy, Lloyd George to do a deal and bring home something which would pass muster for a week, the President to do nothing that was not just and right. It is an extraordinary fact that the fundamental economic problems of a Europe starving and disintegrating before their eyes, was the one question in which it was impossible to arouse the interest of the Four. Reparation was their main excursion into the economic field, and they settled it as a problem of theology, of polities, of electoral chicane, from every point of view except that of the economic future of the States whose destiny they were handling. I leave, from this point onwards, Paris, the Conference, and the Treaty, briefly to consider the present situation of Europe, as the War and the Peace have made it; and it will no longer be part of my purpose to distinguish between the inevitable fruits of the War and the avoidable misfortunes of the Peace. The essential facts of the situation, as I see them, are expressed simply. Europe consists of the densest aggregation of population in the history of the world. This population is accustomed to a relatively high standard of life, in which, even now, some sections of it anticipate improvement rather than deterioration. In relation to other continents Europe is not self-sufficient; in particular it cannot feed Itself. Internally the population is not evenly distributed, but much of it is crowded into a relatively small number of dense industrial centers. This population secured for itself a livelihood before the war, without much margin of surplus, by means of a delicate and immensely complicated organization, of which the foundations were supported by coal, iron, transport, and an unbroken supply of imported food and raw materials from other continents. By the destruction of this organization and the interruption of the stream of supplies, a part of this population is deprived of its means of livelihood. Emigration is not open to the redundant surplus. For it would take years to transport them overseas, even, which is not the case, if countries could be found which were ready to receive them. The danger confronting us, therefore, is the rapid depression of the standard of life of the European populations to a point which will mean actual starvation for some (a point already reached in Russia and approximately reached in Austria). Men will not always die quietly. For starvation, which brings to some lethargy and a helpless despair, drives other temperaments to the nervous instability of hysteria and to a mad despair. And these in their distress may overturn the remnants of organization, and submerge civilization itself in their attempts to satisfy desperately the overwhelming needs of the individual. This is the danger against which all our resources and courage and idealism must now co-operate. On the 13th May, 1919, Count Brockdorff-Rantzau addressed to the Peace Conference of the Allied and Associated Powers the Report of the German Economic Commission charged with the study of the effect of the conditions of Peace on the situation of the German population. "In the course of the last two generations," they reported, "Germany has become transformed from an agricultural State to an industrial State. So long as she was an agricultural State, Germany could feed forty million inhabitants. As an industrial State she could insure the means of subsistence for a population of sixty-seven millions; and in 1913 the importation of foodstuffs amounted, in round figures, to twelve million tons. Before the war a total of fifteen million persons in Germany provided for their existence by foreign trade, navigation, and the use, directly or indirectly, of foreign raw material." After rehearsing the main relevant provisions of the Peace Treaty the report continues "After this diminution of her products, after the economic depression resulting from the loss of her colonies, her merchant fleet and her foreign investments, Germany will not he in a position to import from abroad an adequate quantity of raw material. An enormous part of German industry will, therefore, be condemned inevitably to destruction. The need of importing foodstuffs will increase considerably at the same time that the possibility of satisfying this demand is as greatly diminished. In a very short time, therefore, Germany will not be in a position to give bread and work to her numerous millions of inhabitants, who are prevented from earning their livelihood by navigation and trade. These persons should emigrate, but this is a material impossibility, all the more because many countries and the most important ones will oppose any German immigration. To put the Peace conditions into execution would logically involve, therefore, the loss of several millions of persons in Germany. This catastrophe would not be long in coming about, seeing that the health of the population has been broken down during the War by the Blockade, and during the Armistice by the aggravation of the Blockade of famine. No help, however great, or over however long a period it were continued, could prevent those deaths en masse." "We do not know, and indeed we doubt," the report concludes, "whether the Delegates of the Allied and. Associated Powers realize the inevitable consequences which will take place if Germany, an industrial State, very thickly populated, closely bound up with the economic system of the world, and under the necessity of importing enormous quantities of raw material and foodstuffs, suddenly finds herself pushed back to the phase of her development, which corresponds to her economic condition and the numbers of her population as they were half a century ago. Those who sign this Treaty will sign the death sentence of many millions of German men, women and children." I know of no adequate answer to these words. The indictment is at least as true of the Austrian, as of the German, settlement. This is the fundamental problem in front of us, before which questions of territorial adjustment and the balance of European power are insignificant. Some of the catastrophes of past history, which have thrown back human progress for centuries, have been due to the reactions following on the sudden termination, whether in the course of nature or by the act of man, of temporarily favorable conditions which have permitted the growth of population beyond what could be provided for when the favorable conditions were at an end. The significant features of the immediate situation can be grouped under three heads first, the absolute falling off, for the time being, in Europe s internal productivity; second, the breakdown of transport and exchange by means of which its products could be conveyed where they were most wanted; and third, the inability of Europe to purchase its usual supplies from overseas. The decrease of productivity cannot be easily estimated, and may be the subject of exaggeration. But the primâ facie evidence of it is overwhelming, and this factor has been the main burden of Mr. Hoover s well-considered warnings. A variety of causes have produced it;—violent and prolonged internal disorder as in Russia and Hungary; the creation of new governments and their inexperience in the readjustment of economic relations, as in Poland and Czecho-Slovakia; the loss throughout the Continent of efficient labor, through the casualties of war or the continuance of mobilization; the falling-off in efficiency through continued underfeeding in the Central Empires; the exhaustion of the soil from lack of the usual applications of artificial manures throughout the course of the war; the unsettlement of the minds of the laboring classes on the above all (to quote Mr. Hoover), "there is a great fundamental economic issues of their lives. But relaxation of effort as the reflex of physical exhaustion of large sections of the population from privation and the mental and physical strain of the war." Many persons are for one reason or another out of employment altogether. According to Mr. Hoover, a summary of the unemployment bureaus in Europe in July, 1919, showed that 15,000,000 families were receiving unemployment allowances in one form or another, and were being paid in the main by a constant inflation of currency. In Germany there is the added deterrent to labor and to capital (in so far as the Reparation terms are taken literally), that anything, which they may produce beyond the barest level of subsistence, will for years to come be taken away from them. Such definite data as we possess do not add much, perhaps, to the general picture of decay. But I will remind the reader of one or two of them. The coal production of Europe as a whole is estimated to have fallen off by 30 per cent; and upon coal the greater part of the industries of Europe and the whole of her transport system depend. Whereas before the war Germany produced 85 per cent of the total food consumed by her inhabitants, the productivity of the soil is now diminished by 40 per cent and the effective quality of the live-stock by 55 per cent.[145] Of the European countries which formerly possessed a large exportable surplus, Russia, as much by reason of deficient transport as of diminished output, may herself starve. Hungary, apart from her other troubles, has been pillaged by the Romanians immediately after harvest. Austria will have consumed the whole of her own harvest for 1919 before the end of the calendar year. The figures are almost too overwhelming to carry conviction to our minds; if they were not quite so bad, our effective belief in them might be stronger. But even when coal can be got and grain harvested, the breakdown of the European railway system prevents their carriage; and even when goods can be manufactured, the breakdown of the European currency system prevents their sale. I have already described the losses, by war and under the Armistice surrenders, to the transport system of Germany. But even so, Germany s position, taking account of her power of replacement by manufacture, is probably not so serious as that of some of her neighbors. In Russia (about which, however, we have very little exact or accurate information) the condition of the rolling-stock is believed to be altogether desperate, and one of the most fundamental factors in her existing economic disorder. And in Poland, Roumania, and Hungary the position is not much better. Yet modern industrial life essentially depends on efficient transport facilities, and the population which secured its livelihood by these means cannot continue to live without them. The breakdown of currency, and the distrust in its purchasing value, is an aggravation of these evils which must be discussed in a little more detail in connection with foreign trade. What then is our picture of Europe? A country population able to support life on the fruits of its own agricultural production but without the accustomed surplus for the towns, and also (as a result of the lack of imported materials and so of variety and amount in the saleable manufactures of the towns) without the usual incentives to market food in return for other wares; an industrial population unable to keep its strength for lack of food, unable to earn a livelihood for lack of materials, and so unable to make good by imports from abroad the failure of productivity at home. Yet, according to Mr. Hoover, "a rough estimate would indicate that the population of Europe is at least 100,000,000 greater than can be supported without imports, and must live by the production and distribution of exports." The problem of the re-inauguration of the perpetual circle of production and exchange in foreign trade leads me to a necessary digression on the currency situation of Europe. Lenin is said to have declared that the best way to destroy the Capitalist System was to debauch the currency. By a continuing process of inflation, governments can confiscate, secretly and unobserved, an important part of the wealth of their citizens. By this method they not only confiscate, but they confiscate arbitrarily; and, while the process impoverishes many, it actually enriches some. The sight of this arbitrary rearrangement of riches strikes not only at security, but at confidence in the equity of the existing distribution of wealth. Those to whom the system brings windfalls, beyond their deserts and even beyond their expectations or desires, become "profiteers,", who are the object of the hatred of the bourgeoisie, whom the inflationism has impoverished, not less than of the proletariat. As the inflation proceeds and the real value of the currency fluctuates wildly from month to month, all permanent relations between debtors and creditors, which form the ultimate foundation of capitalism, become so utterly disordered as to be almost meaningless; and the process of wealth-getting degenerates into a gamble and a lottery. Lenin was certainly right. There is no subtler, no surer means of overturning the existing basis of society than to debauch the currency. The process engages all the hidden forces of economic law on the side of destruction, and does it in a manner which not one man in a million is able to diagnose. In the latter stages of the war all the belligerent governments practised, from necessity or incompetence, what a Bolshevist might have done from design. Even now, when the war is over, most of them continue out of weakness the same malpractices. But further, the Governments of Europe, being many of them at this moment reckless in their methods as well as weak, seek to direct on to a class known as "profiteers" the popular indignation against the more obvious consequences of their vicious methods. These "profiteers" are, broadly speaking, the entrepreneur class of capitalists, that is to say, the active and constructive element in the whole capitalist society, who in a period of rapidly rising prices cannot help but get rich quick whether they wish it or desire it or not. If prices are continually rising, even trader who has purchased for stock or owns property and plant inevitably makes profits. By directing hatred against this class, therefore, the European Governments are carrying a step further the fatal process which the subtle mind of Lenin had consciously conceived. The profiteers are a consequence and not a cause of rising prices. By combining a popular hatred of the class of entrepreneurs with the blow already given to social security by the violent and arbitrary disturbance of contract and of the established equilibrium of wealth which is the inevitable result of inflation, these Governments are fast rendering impossible a continuance of the social and economic order of the nineteenth century. But they have no plan for replacing it. We are thus faced in Europe with the spectacle of an extraordinary weakness on the part of the great capitalist class, which has emerged from the industrial triumphs of the nineteenth century, and seemed a very few years ago our all-powerful master. The terror and personal timidity of the individuals of this class is now so great, their confidence in their place in society and in their necessity to the social organism so diminished, that they are the easy victims of intimidation. This was not so in England twenty-five years ago, any more than it is now in the United States. Then the capitalists believed in themselves, in their value to society, in the propriety of their continued existence in the full enjoyment of their riches and the unlimited exercise of their power. Now they tremble before every insult;—call them pro-Germans, international financiers, or profiteers, and they will give you any ransom you choose to ask not to speak of them so harshly. They allow themselves to be ruined and altogether undone by their own instruments, governments of their own making, and a press of which they are the proprietors. Perhaps it is historically true that no order of society ever perishes save by its own hand. In the complexer world of Western Europe the Immanent Will may achieve its ends more subtly and bring in the revolution no less inevitably through a Klotz or a George than by the intellectualisms, too ruthless and self-conscious for us, of the bloodthirsty philosophers of Russia. The inflationism of the currency systems of Europe has proceeded to extraordinary lengths. The various belligerent Governments, unable, or too timid or too short-sighted to secure from loans or taxes the resources they required, have printed notes for the balance. In Russia and Austria-Hungary this process has reached a point where for the purposes of foreign trade the currency is practically valueless. The Polish mark can be bought for about three cents and the Austrian crown for less than two cents, but they cannot be sold at all. The German mark is worth less than four cents on the exchanges. In most of the other countries of Eastern and South-Eastern Europe the real position is nearly as bad. The currency of Italy has fallen to little more than a halt of its nominal value in spite of its being still subject to some degree of regulation; French currency maintains an uncertain market; and even sterling is seriously diminished in present value and impaired in its future prospects. But while these currencies enjoy a precarious value abroad, they have never entirely lost, not even in Russia, their purchasing power at home. A sentiment of trust in the legal money of the State is so deeply implanted in the citizens of all countries that they cannot but believe that some day this money must recover a part at least of its former value. To their minds it appears that value is inherent in money as such, and they do not apprehend that the real wealth, which this money might have stood for, has been dissipated once and for all. This sentiment is supported by the various legal regulations with which the Governments endeavor to control internal prices, and so to preserve some purchasing power for their legal tender. Thus the force of law preserves a measure of immediate purchasing power over some commodities and the force of sentiment and custom maintains, especially amongst peasants, a willingness to hoard paper which is really worthless. The presumption of a spurious value for the currency, by the force of law expressed in the regulation of prices, contains in itself, however, the seeds of final economic decay, and soon dries up the sources of ultimate supply. If a man is compelled to exchange the fruits of his labors for paper which, as experience soon teaches him, he cannot use to purchase what he requires at a price comparable to that which he has received for his own products, he will keep his produce for himself, dispose of it to his friends and neighbors as a favor, or relax his efforts in producing it. A system of compelling the exchange of commodities at what is not their real relative value not only relaxes production, but leads finally to the waste and inefficiency of barter. If, however, a government refrains from regulation and allows matters to take their course, essential commodities soon attain a level of price out of the reach of all but the rich, the worthlessness of the money becomes apparent, and the fraud upon the public can be concealed no longer. The effect on foreign trade of price-regulation and profiteer-hunting as cures for inflation is even worse. Whatever may be the case at home, the currency must soon reach its real level abroad, with the result that prices inside and outside the country lose their normal adjustment. The price of imported commodities, when converted at the current rate o exchange, is far in excess of the local price, so that many essential goods will not be imported at all by private agency, and must be provided by the government, which, in re-selling the goods below cost price, plunges thereby a little further into insolvency. The bread subsidies, now almost universal throughout Europe, are the leading example of this phenomenon. The countries of Europe fall into two distinct groups at the present time as regards their manifestations of what is really the same evil throughout, according as they have been cut off from international intercourse by the Blockade, or have had their imports paid for out of the resources of their allies. I take Germany as typical of the first, and France and Italy of the second. The note circulation of Germany is about ten times[146] what it was before the war. The value of the mark in terms of gold is about one-eighth of its former value. As world-prices in terms of gold are more than double what they were, it follows that mark-prices inside Germany ought to be from sixteen to twenty times their pre-war level if they are to be in adjustment and proper conformity with prices outside Germany.[147] But this is not the case. In spite of a very great rise in German prices, they probably do not yet average much more than five times their former level, so far as staple commodities are concerned; and it is impossible that they should rise further except with a simultaneous and not less violent adjustment of the level of money wages. The existing maladjustment hinders in two ways (apart from other obstacles) that revival of the import trade which is the essential preliminary of the economic reconstruction of the country. In the first place, imported commodities are beyond the purchasing power of the great mass of the population,[148] and the flood of imports which might have been expected to succeed the raising of the blockade was not in fact commercially possible.[149] In the second place, it is a hazardous enterprise for a merchant or a manufacturer to purchase with a foreign credit material for which, when he has imported it or manufactured it, he will receive mark currency of a quite uncertain and possibly unrealizable value. This latter obstacle to the revival of trade is one which easily escapes notice and deserves a little attention. It is impossible at the present time to say what the mark will be worth in terms of foreign currency three or six months or a year hence, and the exchange market can quote no reliable figure. It may be the case, therefore, that a German merchant, careful of his future credit and reputation, who is actually offered a short period credit in terms of sterling or dollars, may be reluctant and doubtful whether to accept it. He will owe sterling or dollars, but he will sell his product for marks, and his power, when the time comes, to turn these marks into the currency in which he has to repay his debt is entirely problematic. Business loses its genuine character and becomes no better than a speculation in the exchanges, the fluctuations in which entirely obliterate the normal profits of commerce. There are therefore three separate obstacles to the revival of trade a maladjustment between internal prices and international prices, a lack of individual credit abroad wherewith to buy the raw materials needed to secure the working capital and to re-start the circle of exchange, and a disordered currency system which renders credit operations hazardous or impossible quite apart from the ordinary risks of commerce. The note circulation of France is more than six times its pre-war level. The exchange value of the franc in terms of gold is a little less than two-thirds its former value; that is to say, the value of the franc has not fallen in proportion to the increased volume of the currency.[150] This apparently superior situation of France is due to the fact that until recently a very great part of her imports have not been paid for, but have been covered by loans from the Governments of Great Britain and the United States. This has allowed a want of equilibrium between exports and imports to be established, which is becoming a very serious factor, now that the outside assistance is being gradually discontinued. The internal economy of France and its price level in relation to the note circulation and the foreign exchanges is at present based on an excess of imports over exports which cannot possibly continue. Yet it is difficult to see how the position can be readjusted except by a lowering of the standard of consumption in France, which, even if it is only temporary, will provoke a great deal of discontent.[151] The situation of Italy is not very different. There the note circulation is five or six times its pre-war level, and the exchange value of the lira in terms of gold about half its former value. Thus the adjustment of the exchange to the volume of the note circulation has proceeded further in Italy than in France. On the other hand, Italy s "invisible" receipts, from emigrant remittances and the expenditure of tourists, have been very injuriously affected; the disruption of Austria has deprived her of an important market; and her peculiar dependence on foreign shipping and on imported raw materials of every kind has laid her open to special injury from the increase of world prices. For all these reasons her position is grave, and her excess of imports as serious a symptom as in the case of France.[152] The existing inflation and the maladjustment of international trade are aggravated, both in France and in Italy, by the unfortunate budgetary position of the Governments of these countries. In France the failure to impose taxation is notorious. Before the war the aggregate French and British budgets, and also the average taxation per head, were about equal; but in France no substantial effort has been made to cover the increased expenditure. "Taxes increased in Great Britain during the war," it has been estimated, "from 95 francs per head to 265 francs, whereas the increase in France was only from 90 to 103 francs." The taxation voted in France for the financial year ending June 30, 1919, was less than half the estimated normal post-bellum expenditure. The normal budget for the future cannot be put below $4,400,000,000 (22 milliard francs), and may exceed this figure; but even for the fiscal year 1919-20 the estimated receipts from taxation do not cover much more than half this amount. The French Ministry of Finance have no plan or policy whatever for meeting this prodigious deficit, except the expectation of receipts from Germany on a scale which the French officials themselves know to be baseless. In the meantime they are helped by sales of war material and surplus American stocks and do not scruple, even in the latter half of 1919, to meet the deficit by the yet further expansion of the note issue of the Bank of France.[153] The budgetary position of Italy is perhaps a little superior to that of France. Italian finance throughout the war was more enterprising than the French, and far greater efforts were made to impose taxation and pay for the war. Nevertheless Signor Nitti, the Prime Minister, in a letter addressed to the electorate on the eve of the General Election (Oct., 1919), thought it necessary to make public the following desperate analysis of the situation —(1) The State expenditure amounts to about three times the revenue. (2) All the industrial undertakings of the State, including the railways, telegraphs, and telephones, are being run at a loss. Although the public is buying bread at a high price, that price represents a loss to the Government of about a milliard a year. (3) Exports now leaving the country are valued at only one-quarter or one-fifth of the imports from abroad. (4) The National Debt is increasing by about a milliard lire per month. (5) The military expenditure for one month is still larger than that for the first year of the war. But if this is the budgetary position of France and Italy, that of the rest of belligerent Europe is yet more desperate. In Germany the total expenditure of the Empire, the Federal States, and the Communes in 1919-20 is estimated at 25 milliards of marks, of which not above 10 milliards are covered by previously existing taxation. This is without allowing anything for the payment of the indemnity. In Russia, Poland, Hungary, or Austria such a thing as a budget cannot be seriously considered to exist at all.[154] Thus the menace of inflationism described above is not merely a product of the war, of which peace begins the cure. It is a continuing phenomenon of which the end is not yet in sight. All these influences combine not merely to prevent Europe from supplying immediately a sufficient stream of exports to pay for the goods she needs to import, but they impair her credit for securing the working capital required to re-start the circle of exchange and also, by swinging the forces of economic law yet further from equilibrium rather than towards it, they favor a continuance of the present conditions instead of a recovery from them. An inefficient, unemployed, disorganized Europe faces us, torn by internal strife and international hate, fighting, starving, pillaging, and lying. What warrant is there for a picture of less somber colors? I have paid little heed in this book to Russia, Hungary, or Austria.[155] There the miseries of life and the disintegration of society are too notorious to require analysis; and these countries are already experiencing the actuality of what for the rest of Europe is still in the realm of prediction. Yet they comprehend a vast territory and a great population, and are an extant example of how much man can suffer and how far society can decay. Above all, they are the signal to us of how in the final catastrophe the malady of the body passes over into malady of the mind. Economic privation proceeds by easy stages, and so long as men suffer it patiently the outside world cares little. Physical efficiency and resistance to disease slowly diminish,[156] but life proceeds somehow, until the limit of human endurance is reached at last and counsels of despair and madness stir the sufferers from the lethargy which precedes the crisis. Then man shakes himself, and the bonds of custom are loosed. The power of ideas is sovereign, and he listens to whatever instruction of hope, illusion, or revenge is carried to him on the air. As I write, the flames of Russian Bolshevism seem, for the moment at least, to have burnt themselves out, and the peoples of Central and Eastern Europe are held in a dreadful torpor. The lately gathered harvest keeps off the worst privations, and Peace has been declared at Paris. But winter approaches. Men will have nothing to look forward to or to nourish hopes on. There will be little fuel to moderate the rigors of the season or to comfort the starved bodies of the town-dwellers. But who can say how much is endurable, or in what direction men will seek at last to escape from their misfortunes? FOOTNOTES [145] Professor Starling s Report on Food Conditions in Germany. (Cmd. 280.) [146] Including the Darlehenskassenscheine somewhat more. [147] Similarly in Austria prices ought to be between twenty and thirty times their former level. [148] One of the moat striking and symptomatic difficulties which faced the Allied authorities in their administration of the occupied areas of Germany during the Armistice arose out of the fact that even when they brought food into the country the inhabitants could not afford to pay its cost price. [149] Theoretically an unduly low level of home prices should stimulate exports and so cure itself. But in Germany, and still more in Poland and Austria, there is little or nothing to export. There must be imports before there can be exports. [150] Allowing for the diminished value of gold, the exchange value of the franc should be less than 40 per cent of its previous value, instead of the actual figure of about 60 per cent, if the fall were proportional to the increase in the volume of the currency. [151] How very far from equilibrium France s international exchange now is can be seen from the following table Monthly AverageImports $1,000Exports $1,000Excess of Imports $1,000 1913140,355114,67025,685 1914106,70581,14525,560 1918331,91569,055262,860 Jan.-Mar. 1919387,14066,670320,470 Apr.-June 1919421,41083,895337,515 July 1919467,565123,675343,890 These figures have been converted, at approximately par rates, but this is roughly compensated by the fact that the trade of 1918 and 1919 has been valued at 1917 official rates. French imports cannot possibly continue at anything approaching these figures, and the semblance of prosperity based on such a state of affairs is spurious. [152] The figures for Italy are as follows Monthly AverageImports $1,000Exports $1,000Excess of Imports $1,000 191360,76041,86018,900 191448,72036,84011,880 1918235,02541,390193,635 Jan.-Mar. 1919229,24038,685191,155 Apr.-June 1919331,03569,250261,785 July-Aug. 1919223,53584,515139,020 [153] In the last two returns of the Bank of France available as I write (Oct. 2 and 9, 1919) the increases in the note issue on the week amounted to $93,750,000 and $94,125,000 respectively. [154] On October 3, 1919, M. Bilinski made his financial statement to the Polish Diet. He estimated his expenditure for the next nine months at rather more than double his expenditure for the past nine months, and while during the first period his revenue had amounted to one-fifth of his expenditure, for the coming months he was budgeting for receipts equal to one-eighth of his outgoings. The Times correspondent at Warsaw reported that "in general M. Bilinski s tone was optimistic and appeared to satisfy his audience." [155] The terms of the Peace Treaty imposed on the Austrian Republic bear no relation to the real facts of that State s desperate situation. The Arbeiter Zeitung of Vienna on June 4, 1919, commented on them as follows "Never has the substance of a treaty of peace so grossly betrayed the intentions which were said to have guided its construction as is the case with this Treaty . . . in which every provision is permeated with ruthlessness and pitilessness, in which no breath of human sympathy can be detected, which flies in the face of everything which binds man to man, which is a crime against humanity itself, against a suffering and tortured people." I am acquainted in detail with the Austrian Treaty and I was present when some of its terms were being drafted, but I do not find it easy to rebut the justice of this outburst. [156] For months past the reports of the health conditions in the Central Empires have been of such a character that the imagination is dulled, and one almost seems guilty of sentimentality in quoting them. But their general veracity is not disputed, and I quote the three following, that the reader may not be unmindful of them "In the last years of the war, in Austria alone at least 35,000 people died of tuberculosis, in Vienna alone 12,000. Today we have to reckon with a number of at least 350,000 to 400,000 people who require treatment for tuberculosis.... As the result of malnutrition a bloodless generation is growing up with undeveloped muscles, undeveloped joints, and undeveloped brain" (Neue Freie Presse, May 31, 1919). The Commission of Doctors appointed by the Medical Faculties of Holland, Sweden, and Norway to examine the conditions in Germany reported as follows in the Swedish Press in April, 1919 "Tuberculosis, especially in children, is increasing in an appalling way, and, generally speaking, is malignant. In the same way rickets is more serious and more widely prevalent. It is impossible to do anything for these diseases; there is no milk for the tuberculous, and no cod-liver oil for those suffering from rickets.... Tuberculosis is assuming almost unprecedented aspects, such as have hitherto only been known in exceptional cases. The whole body is attacked simultaneously, and the illness in this form is practically incurable.... Tuberculosis is nearly always fatal now among adults. It is the cause of 90 per cent of the hospital cases. Nothing can be done against it owing to lack of food-stuffs.... It appears in the most terrible forms, such as glandular tuberculosis, which turns into purulent dissolution." The following is by a writer in the Vossische Zeitung, June 5, 1919, who accompanied the Hoover Mission to the Erzgebirge "I visited large country districts where 90 per cent of all the children were ricketty and where children of three years are only beginning to walk.... Accompany me to a school in the Erzgebirge. You think it is a kindergarten for the little ones. No, these are children of seven and eight years. Tiny faces, with large dull eyes, overshadowed by huge puffed, ricketty foreheads, their small arms just skin and bone, and above the crooked legs with their dislocated joints the swollen, pointed stomachs of the hunger oedema.... You see this child here, the physician in charge explained; it consumed an incredible amount of bread, and yet did not get any stronger. I found out that it hid all the bread it received underneath its straw mattress. The fear of hunger was so deeply rooted in the child that it collected stores instead of eating the food a misguided animal instinct made the dread of hunger worse than the actual pangs. " Yet there are many persons apparently in whose opinion justice requires that such beings should pay tribute until they are forty or fifty years of age in relief of the British taxpayer.
https://w.atwiki.jp/cosmichistory/pages/45.html
[This was originally a reply to "M.M" michio@k... in a discussion on Prout and some other options. I have translated it into English upon his request.] If it looked like a big problem to you, M.M, you could go as far back as Hegel and remove him off your path of philosophical development. You could, of course, add to Hegel as well. Likewise, where Sarkar and Batra have missed something, we can add things in. If you add basic income or negative income tax to Prout, it will be free from the biggest defect it currently has. No economic philosophy will make its way toward social implementation without providing carefully worked-out compensational policies. Few Proutists have understood it yet. In the process of Prout implementation, society changes and this means some people will be driven out of their positions. For example, military-related workers and institutional investors will decrease in number. And there will be fewer salespeople in those sectors, too. A shrinking field means a fiercer competition. Some will have to give up their career and work elsewhere. And yet if the basic income or the negative income tax should be provided here, each worker will be able to be trained or re-educated and keep up their efforts to re-enter the competition until they feel they have fully done what they can and be able to accept the outcome, be it a success or not. Such compensational policies are especially essential in putting into practice policies of explicitly planned economy. People usually accept a shift in their career as part of reality in life if it has been caused by a defeat in free competition. But a shift in career caused by reason of someone s philosophy or policies is quite unacceptable. (I live on trading stocks. Should the Prout implementation reach 100% and all production be achieved through cooperative associations, my income will drop to zero. On that very day, without a basic income or negative income tax system implemented side by side along the Prout systems, I will be forced to work on a job that some Prout organizers have chosen against my will. In such a case, I will be much less happy as I don t have employee fitness and aptidude.)
https://w.atwiki.jp/dreamxkiss/pages/233.html
関ジャニ8 感謝ni∞in東京（かんじゃにえいとかんしゃにえいといんとうきょう） ■期間 2004年11月27日 ■会場 東京国際フォーラム・ホールA ■全席指定 ￥5,500 ■セットリスト ※≪OPメドレー≫ Believe my story（Ⅴ.WEST） お前がいる（丸山隆平） Secret Agent Man（錦戸亮） たよりにしてまっせ（村上信五） オイラの人生のっぺらぼ～！（横山裕） 愛してる愛してない（渋谷すばる） 三味線・和太鼓・下駄ップ（1部ではここがOP） 浪花いろは節 メンバー紹介ダンス ≪ブギウギメドレー≫ 東京ブキウギ? 三味線ブギー～東京ブギウギ? ヴギウギ・キャット！ プチMC ≪松竹座メドレー≫(昔の映像付き） 旅人（Another Ver.） So BAD?（内博貴・安田章大・丸山隆平） レクイエム～宇宙の記憶～（村上信五・横山裕） DREAMIN BLOOD Master Key（内博貴） OPEN YOUR EYES（錦戸亮） It s not over yet～終わりのない旅～ ≪コント≫ アドリ部（村上信五・錦戸亮・丸山隆平・安田章大・大倉忠義・内博貴）＋幼稚園児のおべんきょう（1部） 幼稚園児のおべんきょう（2・3部） プリン（三兄弟） Knockin Trackin STANCE Cool Magic City MC（2部はここで記者会見が） 冬のリヴィエラ ≪ジャニーズJr.メドレー≫ Shelter ミッドナイトシャッフル No Control Can do! Can go! All of me for you マーメイド（内博貴） FIGHT MAN（渋谷すばる） ※1部ではOPのメドレーがここにあった Do you agree? Booster 口笛の向こう Eden ≪アンコール≫ 浪花いろは節 ≪ダブルアンコール≫（3部のみ） Cool Magic City
https://w.atwiki.jp/prcs/pages/24.html
電源遮断系統ファイル更新 reboot/halt記述追加不要 squeeze更新への事前準備 リポジトリのバックアップ KURO-BOX ~# KURO-BOX ~# mv /etc/apt/sources.list /share/ リポジトリの更新追加リポジトリ deb ftp //ftp.dti.ad.jp/pub/Linux/debian squeeze main contrib non-free KURO-BOX ~# KURO-BOX ~# vi /etc/apt/sources.list ･ ･ ･ KURO-BOX ~# アップデート 失敗(見難い為、改行記述) KURO-BOX ~# KURO-BOX ~# apt-get update ･ ･ ･ W GPG error ftp //ftp.dti.ad.jp squeeze Release The following signatures cou ldn t be verified because the public key is not available NO_PUBKEY AED4B06F47 3041FA W You may want to run apt-get update to correct these problems KURO-BOX ~# RSAキーの取得失敗正確なコマンドを打ってもたまに失敗します KURO-BOX ~# KURO-BOX ~# gpg --recv-keys AED4B06F473041FA gpg directory `/root/.gnupg created gpg new configuration file `/root/.gnupg/gpg.conf created gpg WARNING options in `/root/.gnupg/gpg.conf are not yet active during this run gpg keyring `/root/.gnupg/secring.gpg created gpg keyring `/root/.gnupg/pubring.gpg created gpg no keyserver known (use option --keyserver) gpg keyserver receive failed bad URI KURO-BOX ~# RSAキーの取得/追加 KURO-BOX ~# KURO-BOX ~# gpg --recv-keys AED4B06F473041FA gpg requesting key 473041FA from hkp server keys.gnupg.net gpg /root/.gnupg/trustdb.gpg trustdb created gpg key 473041FA public key "Debian Archive Automatic Signing Key (6.0/squeeze) ftpmaster@debian.org " imported gpg no ultimately trusted keys found gpg Total number processed 1 gpg imported 1 (RSA 1) KURO-BOX ~# gpg --armor --export AED4B06F473041FA | apt-key add - OK KURO-BOX ~#
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【Tags GonGoss Miku W tW】 Original Music Title White Letter Music Lyrics written, Voice edited by GonGoss Music arranged by GonGoss Singer 初音ミク (Hatsune Miku) Fanmade Promotional Video(s) Click here for the original Japanese Lyrics English Lyrics (translated by soundares)： Through a break in the clouds Flip Flop Strange(wonder) letter arrived Small pretty envelope (With) Address in true-red and pressed flower Inside was blank letter [ ](space) line-break... that s about it Words, not any written Yet I can understand the content It was written to come "Here" When I notice (it,) I had come to "here" Invisible man was waiting I couldn t see but (it) was a man The voice, I couldn t hear Couldn t hear it though (we) got through I was told to find "That" So I started to look for "That" Without wavering(hesitation) Without a reason I ll continue on looking Tomorrow... maybe it ll be found Location of "That" Hoping (it will) I searched a lot of place It wasn t in a valley of buildings I dug sand pool but wasn t there It wasn t there beyond wall I m still looking for "that" now... Today again, I m looking for "that" Through a break in the clouds Flip Flop Through a break in the clouds Flip Flop Flip Flop Romaji lyrics (transliterated by haru47)： kumo no kirema kara hirahira fushigina tegami ga todoi ta chiisasai kireina fuutou makkana atena to oshibana naka ni wa kuuhaku no tegami [ ]（supeesu） kaigyou sore dake kotoba wa nani mo kai te nai soredemo naiyou ga wakaru "koko" ni koi to kai te atta kizuke ba "koko" made ki te i ta mie nai hito ga matte i ta mie nai keredo hito datta sono koe wa kiko e nakatta kiko e nai keredo tsuujita "sore" wo sagashi te to iwa re ta dakara "sore" wo sagashi hajime ta mayoi mo naku riyuu mo naku sagashi tsuzukeru no asu mitsukaru kamo "sore" no arika kitaishi te iron na tokoro wo sagashi ta biru no tanima ni wa nakatta sunab wo hotte mo nakatta kabe no mukou nimo nakatta ima demo "sore" wo sagashi te ru・・・ kyou mo "sore" wo sagashi te iru・・・ kumo no kirema kara hirahira kumo no kirema kara hirahira hirahira